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How
to Promote People Power In Iran
by Stanley A. Weiss
GSTAAD,
Switzerland -- I realized that America was missing the main event
in Iran when I saw the mullah hailing a taxi. When I had met him days
earlier, he wore the unmistakable uniform of the clerics who rule the
Islamic Republic. But there on a busy Tehran street he blended with the
masses. No turban, no flowing robe. I asked him why. "Because,"
he answered, "no cab driver would pick me up."
The pivotal battle in Iran is not between "good" and "bad"
mullahs. It is between the mullahs and the people. A proverb says: "Do
not step on Persian carpets or mullahs, for they will increase in value."
Iran's rulers must satisfy both its Persian and its Islamic cultures.
But the shah stepped all over the mullahs, which led to the Islamic revolution
of 1979. Since then the mullahs have been stepping all over the carpets.
Today's Iranians want a modern, moderate Islamic society which preserves
the country's Persian identity.
How best can the outside world encourage those Iranians who want to moderate
their society and modernize their economy? A few suggestions:
Don't waste time favoring the reformers. The Battle of the Mullahs
is a sideshow. A grassroots reform movement created President Mohammed
Khatami, not the other way around. He has a mandate but no power.
It seems that the indecisive struggles of the past five years will continue
so long as power - the courts, the Revolutionary Guards, the state radio
and television, the Islamic business conglomerates - rests with the "supreme
leader," Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei. Only Iranian people power,
not Washington, can change that.
Don't play into the hands of the extremists. Confrontation with
the Great Satan is all the tired revolutionaries have left. Every time
the reformers and the White House start talking about talking, the old
guard stirs things up (arresting reformist parliamentarians) to provoke
Washington ("axis of evil") and whip Iranians into another anti-American
frenzy (the recent state-sponsored demonstrations were the biggest since
the revolution).
These are desperate old men taking desperate measures, the last gasps
of their dying regime. Engage the real force in Iranian politics.
The technocrat-pragmatists and clerics from the upper social classes have
been keen to direct the government away from an all-consuming commitment
to Islam and toward Iran's national interests, including deeper ties with
the West. They are allied to Iran's class of bazaari merchants, with their
strong entrepreneurial spirit.
Chief in this camp is Hashemi Rafsanjani, heir to a pistachio family fortune,
a former president (1989-1997) and now head of the powerful Expediency
Council, which resolves disputes between competing branches of government.
The West could do business with the likes of Rafsanjani, who keeps his
finger to the wind and has shown an ability to be all things to all people.
Tehran legend holds that he was riding with the president and the prime
minister when they came to a junction in the road and the driver asked
which way to turn. The president said "right" and the prime
minister said "left." Said Rafsanjani, "Signal left but
go right."
He has suggested that Tehran and Washington will one day bridge their
differences. Nixon opened the door to Red China. Reagan negotiated with
the Evil Empire. Bush should reach out to the Islamic Republic. Unleash
Ronald Reagan's "forward strategy for freedom." Reagan recognized
that trading with the enemy could help tear down walls and unravel totalitarian
regimes from within. Bush recognizes that trade "reinforces the habits
of liberty that sustain democracy."
If contact and commerce are the thin end of the democratic wedge in China,
then why not in Iran? Why veto Iran's application to join the WTO, which
the United States did again last month? Secretary of State Colin Powell
says it is because "we can talk to China - we have ways of dealing
with China in a sensible way; with Iran, no."
Of course, you can't really talk to a nation when you are busy damning
it as evil. Instead of tirades, try trade.
The ayatollahs love Washington's trade embargo, which aids and abets their
increasingly vulnerable grip on economic power. They have repeatedly shot
down reform bills that would have encouraged foreign investment.
A million youngsters join the labor force each year looking for jobs that
don't exist. Greater U.S. investment and trade would transform one of
the mullahs' main constituencies, the bazaari merchants, into a powerful
influence for greater openness and freedom. Winston Churchill once remarked
that Americans always do the right thing, after they've tried everything
else. Loosening the embargo three years ago to allow import of Iranian
caviar, pistachios and carpets was a small step forward. Iran has since
become a major customer for American corn.
In contrast, continuing the embargo and secondary sanctions against foreign
companies doing business in Iran was a leap backward.
When Vice President Dick Cheney was chief executive of the world's largest
oil field service company, he called for an end to the ban on investment
by U.S companies in Iran, calling the policy a "mistake."
Not enforcing the secondary sanctions only makes matters worse. European
and Asian oil companies invest in Iran with impunity, leaving U.S. companies
out in the cold. Even Israel - whose destruction Rafsanjani recently said
could be achieved with "one nuclear bomb" - trades with Iran,
under European cover. An old lesson is learned anew: Unilateral trade
sanctions hurt only America.
It is not too late to do the right thing. While working to keep weapons
of mass destruction from falling into Iranian hands, the United States
should lift all nonmilitary trade sanctions. A wave of blue jeans and
videos could do more to loosen the grip of the extremists than two decades
of weak sanctions and strong rhetoric.
Finally, embrace what Bush has called "the Iranian people's hope
for freedom," especially that of the young. Sixty-five percent
of Iranians are under 25 with no memory of the late Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini. Iranian youth are more interested in "Made in the USA"
than in "Death to America." They wear Michael Jordan T-shirts
and Nike sneakers.
A young man I met during my visit said he wanted to go dancing, hold hands
with his girlfriend and watch movies. In a nation where the voting age
is 16, these young men and women surfing the Internet with one hand and
holding their cell phones with the other will decide Iran's fate.
It is time for America to help the Iranians get the mullahs off their
back. Time to help free Iran with free trade.
The
writer is founder and chairman of Business Executives for National Security.
The views he expresses are his own.
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